KCC Pension Fund Holds £38m in Oil, Gas, Coal and Arms Firms, Including Companies Linked to Gaza
Kent’s pension fund has spent years edging away from some of the world’s dirtiest and deadliest industries. Yet the latest company-level records show the job isn’t finished. At 31 March 2026, the £9.43 billion fund still had £31.96 million tied to oil, coal and gas, plus £6.25 million linked to military manufacturing or defence work — £38.21 million altogether. It’s a small slice of the pot, about 0.41%, but in hard cash it’s hardly loose change down the back of the sofa.
The date matters. The detailed asset file was produced on 27 May 2026, but every holding in it was valued at 31 March 2026. It isn’t a 27 May valuation, and there’s no 31 May snapshot in the spreadsheets. We’ve also used market value — what each investment was worth at the cut-off — rather than pretending that figure was necessarily what KCC originally paid.
The biggest fossil-fuel block is direct production. KCC held £2.92 million in Pertamina, £2.82 million in Saudi Aramco, £1.98 million in QatarEnergy, £1.95 million in Reliance Industries, £1.14 million in KazMunayGas and £779,487 in PETRONAS. These aren’t firms merely selling a few cans of petrol at the roadside; their groups explore for, extract and produce oil or gas.
Another £19.50 million sat in the plumbing that keeps the fossil-fuel economy flowing: gas distributors, pipelines, liquefied-natural-gas terminals and refining. Northern Gas Networks accounted for £2.79 million, Galaxy Pipeline Assets £2.62 million, Cadent £2.57 million, NGPL PipeCo £1.95 million and EIG Pearl — linked to Saudi crude-oil pipelines — £1.85 million. There were further holdings in SGN, Neste, Enbridge, National Gas Transmission, Cheniere, Abu Dhabi’s crude-oil pipeline, APA’s pipelines and Sabine Pass LNG.
Coal hasn’t vanished either. KCC held £152,152 in Glencore, a group which still extracts coal, and £719,174 in Minejesa Capital, the financing vehicle connected to Indonesia’s coal-fired Paiton power business. One digs it up; the other helps burn it.
That distinction doesn’t make the environmental bill disappear. UNEP says extraction carries serious consequences for climate, pollution, biodiversity, human health and human rights. The World Health Organization says fossil-fuel combustion drives both greenhouse-gas emissions and air pollution, with indoor and outdoor pollution together associated with roughly seven million premature deaths a year. The companies aren’t all equally responsible for that toll, and holding a bond doesn’t prove an environmental offence, but these sectors plainly aren’t harmless bystanders.
Then there’s the armoury. The visible defence-linked total was £6.25 million: £2.31 million in General Motors Financial, whose parent owns GM Defense; £1.42 million in Booz Allen Hamilton; £983,007 in Howmet Aerospace; £930,942 in Qorvo; and £604,197 in ZF. The labels matter. Howmet, Qorvo and ZF manufacture military components or systems. GM Financial is an indirect group connection. Booz Allen sells defence technology and services, but it isn’t a conventional bomb, gun or missile maker.
Thre current holdings have a documented connection to the F-35 aircraft used by Israel in Gaza. Howmet says it supplies critical F-35 bulkheads, engine blades, rings and fasteners. Qorvo says F-35 radar platforms benefit from its technology. Israel’s own military stated in November 2023 that its “Adir” F-35 jets were striking targets and assisting ground forces in close-proximity strikes during its Gaza operations. And Booz Allen has worked on and supported the F-35 weapons system, a combat aircraft that Israel has used to carry out strikes in Gaza. That establishes a supply-chain connection to a weapons platform used in Gaza; it doesn’t prove KCC’s investment paid for a particular component, aircraft or attack.



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